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Given that their suffixes replace la-karas A. As a consequence, in very similar structures, such as 27ab , both involving the participle form gacchan, 10 Speijer comes close to realizing the need for some kind of bracketing by noting that [apparent] control by locative NPs is common in locative absolute constructions.

Sanskrit Alphabet

Vine similarly weighs the possibility that some instances of apparent non-subject control of reflexives may be accounted for by something like bracketing. In fact, as 27c shows, it is possible for one converb to be controlled by one kartr, another. In Pan.

The commentatorial tradition agrees that it is intended to cover double-direct-object constructions such as 29 , but how it does so does not seem to have received a satisfactory explanation; see Deshpande The evidence of the textual tradition makes it clear that either of the two complements in these structures behaves like a true direct object,. However, if both complements are present, only the more agentive one can be promoted; See Hock , c for further discussion; see also Ostler ; Van de Walle What will you say to the men? H OCK d. He was addressed by Indra.

Great wealth is implored. However, the present example suggests that am su has become simply an epithet of soma, the ingestible substance produced in the ritual. The sun has been conquered by Indra accompanied by the Maruts. The singular on the the initial placement of nabhah favor an interpretation that nabhah is the verb and.

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Geldner takes ghrtam and payah. H OCK e. While this much is known, questions remain. First, it is not clear why only certain verbs that are subcategorized for two complements have double-direct-object constructions. Consider kath which to my knowledge only takes the addressee in the dative, or hr take away which takes the. Presumably, the verbs participating in the double-direct-object construction must be specifically listed in the lexicon together with alternative case markings, if any; see Hock But this does not explain why many of the verb classes exhibit similar behavior in other Indo-European languages; see Hock c.

Problems of a different sort arise regarding A. As Speijer with reference notes, a very different situation obtains in the classical language, irrespective of verb class: If one wants to say he causes me to do something, it is by his impulse I act, there is room for the [accusative causee], but if it be meant he gets something done by 13 As. However, the context favors the interpretation given here: himeva parn. Like the trees robbed of their leaves by winter, Vala the cows taken from him by Brhaspati.

As shown in Hock , this pragmatically sensitive marking convention is already found in the early Vedic prose texts; see 32 and 33 , where the verb in 32 belongs to the categories of verbs that by A.

Sanskrit Syntax

The phenomenon can therefore not be attributed to post-Pan. Rather, the difference between Pan. See Hock , b,c, as well as Deshpande s pioneering paper, Pan.

Heaven b. The syntax of constructions such as 34 , called asamartha compounds by Gillon , was first addressed in Patajalis commentary on A. The fact that in the reading of 34 , devadattasya does not modify the head kula of gurukulam, but the non-head guru , leads to a lengthy discussion, with one side arguing that the interpretation is acceptable and another one that it is not, since only heads can have external modification.


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The issue is in effect left unresolved. By contrast, Bhartrhari Vakyapadya 3. As far as I can tell, Whitney was the first western scholar to note the existence of such structures. A more comprehensive analysis is that of Gillon , Adopting Bhartrharis notion of relational noun, he concludes are associated with a karaka or whose meaning that non-heads that presupposes some kind of relation are permitted to take external heads. She therefore argues that a different explanation is required which, in principle, works for all subtypes under Starting out with Schufeles notion of liberation or node erasure and Pan.

Compounding, under this account, can take place between two neighboring semantically compatible words in the output of the syntax 14 This.

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Table 3 Non-head relational nominal governing an external head and after liberation, which erases syntactic nodes and potentially, but not necessarily moves words or phrases to other positions in the clause. Example 35c serves as an excellent example, since in this case the movement of devanam and bala out of their original complex NP provides positive evidence for node erasure; see Table 4. Note that api moves along with devanam because of its quasi-clitic nature. Structures such as 35a and 35b , then, would also be analyzed as involving node erasure, but without any.

In this section I address several functional or usage aspects of particular grammatical phenomena, including genre-based usages, that should be of interest to those engaged in computational analysis of Sanskrit texts. In fact, attention to genre differences and their influence on the choice of syntactic processes can also pay off for formal analyses.

Consider the interaction between genre and word order discussed in 3. Conversely, as we will see, discourse phenomena can raise interesting questions for formal analyses. One difficulty with functional investigations is that they tend to be highly specific. For instance, Gonda observes that although, using recent terminology, Sanskrit is a pro-drop language, personal pronouns are common in dialogues.

Jamison b,a similarly focuses on dialogues in Vedic prose which, as she notes, exhibit interesting differences from the technical discourse that surrounds them, including a much greater use of deictics such as idam, adas, rather than demonstratives such as tad, etad. As regards the Vedic-prose difference between tad and etad, Hock a finds that etad is preferred in cataphoric contexts, while tad is anaphoric or unmarked. My impression is that this difference holds also for classical Sanskrit. Hale comes to different conclusions for the Taittirya Samhit a. This is an issue that deserves fuller study.

Still in the area of pronoun usage, Van de Walle , notes that, while plural may be used for politeness as in bhavantah. Normally either the second singular pronoun or a form of bhavat is used.

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Van de Walles work, however, is not limited to pronoun use but addresses the broader issue of linguistic politeness and distancing in classical Sanskrit. Tsiang-Starcevics study is a broad investigation of the use of finite i. See also Tsiang and Watanabe , which focuses on the rhetoric of fable narratives. An important finding is that non-finite structures dominate in narrative portions and that finite relative clauses tend to be restricted to dialogues embedded in the narratives.

In his monumental study of relative-clause syntax, Hettrich claims that appositive or non-restrictive relative clauses were a feature of Proto-Indo-European poetic language, surviving in mantra Vedic, but becoming rare in Vedic prose and disappearing in post-Vedic. Hock argues that the difference between mantra and prose can be explained in terms of genre and that non-restrictive relative clauses continue to be used in the classical language.

Sanskrit Syntax by Speijer

It would be interesting to investigate whether different classical genres exhibit differences similar to those between mantra and prose Vedic. In the following I take a more detailed look at fronting and extraposition, two general movement processes, both of which have interesting discourse, genre, and grammatical characteristics.

Fronting processes play a significant role in a number of different genres, both in Vedic and in the classical language. Vedic-prose texts are characterized by complex initial strings, such as 36a , consisting of topicalized elements commonly nominal or.